The kernel of doubt: The story of genetically modified Bt cotton in India
Bt cotton is the only legal genetically modified (GM) seed in the chequered history of agricultural biotechnology in India.
From higher yields to large scale farmers' suicides, the arguments around GM seeds have been complex and multi-layered. My research explores the meaning of this techno-scientific object for communities that are placed on opposite ends of the agrarian political economy like farmers, biotechnologists, and breeders.
Underneath the different, often opposed intentions of the communities with the seeds, I show that time and temporalities form a connecting link between the experiences of these various communities.
Time, as an analytic, weaves the communities in their vulnerabilities and vicissitudes, as well as connects agriculture with the environment in South Asia.
The story of agricultural biotechnology in India has been mired in controversy from the beginning.
Starting from the higher yields of Bt cotton (the only legal genetically modified [GM] seed) to large scale suicides among farmers and subsequent protests, the rural landscape has been polarised in the past two decades.
The reality, however, is more messy and complex than what these binary positions allow for.
Bt Cotton was first brought to India through a collaboration between Monsanto and Maharashtra Hybrid Seed Company (MAHYCO) in 2002. Soon after, several agricultural companies bought the technology from Monsanto Mahyco Biotech (MMB) and produced their own GM seeds.
In 2015-16, when I conducted fieldwork in villages and seed companies for around two years, there were more than 1000 kinds of Bt cotton seeds in the market produced by over 40 companies.
For farmers, cultivating Bt cotton implied that they had to understand and practice a different way of agriculture. For one, over the years, they have been heavily dependent on the seed sellers – the connecting link between seed companies and farmers. From selection of seeds to suggestions on pesticides, the seed sellers thrive in the marketplace of products and information.
The roots of Bt cotton are not as deep as its predecessors, making them more “nazuk” or delicate to cultivate. They require more sustained and close attention form the farmers.
The shallow roots make the plants more susceptible to weeds, especially after heavy rains. Cutting grass and weeds have led to an increase in the demand for women’s labour.
The division of labor in agriculture is gendered, where women usually sow seeds, cut grass, and harvest the fibre, and men plough the field, prepare the field, and apply rounds of fertilisers and pesticides during cultivation.
Bt cotton was introduced to protect the plants from attacks by pink and American bollworms but cultivating Bt cotton for almost two decades has not only made these pests develop resistance, but has also invited attacks by new kinds of pests like white flies.
Then begins the many rounds of spraying pesticides.
Once again, the seed sellers and seed companies play an important role in guiding the farmers on which products to buy. The companies that produce seeds also often produce pesticides and other agricultural products, making agriculture completely dependent on industry.
The directions of use on these products are often printed in English instead of vernacular languages. Further, they are applicable to larger sized farms than what most Indian farmers own. It is the seed sellers who solve the everyday problems of farmers.
A junior breeder in a seed company explained pests developing resistance in these words: “In the region that I come from, we eat chapatis (hand made bread) during meals, but here, where I work, we mostly get rice. So we get used to it. Likewise, the Bt seeds produce proteins that destroy the gut of the insects, thereby reducing pest attacks. But over a period of time, they develop resistance and the seeds become ineffective in keeping them away.
We already saw that with BG I and now we are seeing that with BG II. This technology is not a solution for sustainable agriculture.”
In my research, time and temporalities, or experiences of time, emerged as a significant category that determines whether experiences around Bt cotton are favourable or unfavourable for the farming communities.
The breeders and biotechnologists in seed companies explained that it takes 6-7 years to produce Bt seeds after making crosses between a few thousand plants.
For the farmers on the other hand, the temporality of the environment (like the time of the monsoons which is constantly getting delayed because of climate change), the temporality of the seed (Bt seeds losing their efficacy over time), and temporality of the market (the fluctuating price of cotton fiber) make it difficult to make Bt cotton or GM technology broadly, sustainable.
A lot of farmers, who have historically produced cotton, have moved to soybean cultivation in the past 5-6 years.
The history of Bt cotton in India is more complex than a linear narrative that GM seeds produce higher yields. The techno-scientific object- the GM seed – as well as the experiences of farmers of cultivating, it are constantly changing along with changing environmental conditions and conditions of buying and selling.
Recognising and understanding these complex terrains is the first step towards creating a roadmap for a sustainable agriculture and environment.
The views expressed in this forum are those of the individual authors and do not represent the views of the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, or the institutions to which the authors are attached.