Existing research on health and well-being in Southeast Asia has largely concentrated on non-migration contexts thus far. Our research project Child Health and Migrant Parents in Southeast Asia (CHAMPSEA) Waves 1 (2008-2009) and 2 (2016-2017) has made a pioneering shift to focus instead on parental-migration scenarios. Drawing upon this and extending it further, the focus of our study is on:

• the care relationships between foreign domestic workers (FDW) in Singapore, left-behind caregivers and children over food and healthcare in ‘mother-away’ families; and
• the impact of grandparent care on healthcare provision and ‘foodwork’ (key food activities including ‘planning, purchasing, preparation, and emotional and domestic management of children’s eating’ [Wright et al. 2015]) of left-behind children.

These are explored along two registers: First, in terms of the migrants’ perceptions of food- and health-related behaviours of left-behind caregivers and children, the challenges of food security and the attitudes of different household members toward health and well-being. Second, in terms of left-behind children’s personal foodwork including their participation in food provisioning, preparation/cooking work, feeding work and consumption. This study is also interested in understanding the migrants’ personal challenges over food security, their food-related behaviours, attitudes and constraints as well as the resultant constructions of illness and wellness. Overall, this research centres the voices of female FDWs, left-behind elderly caregivers and children – three groups who are structurally at high risk of mal-/under-nutrition under normal circumstances but anticipated to be impacted relatively more detrimentally under the current COVID-19 situation.

Our four research questions (RQs) group around two central themes investigated mainly through the migrant’s perspectives.

First, comparing grandparental and paternal care from the migrant’s perspective: (RQ1) In the context of maternal migration, what are the differences in terms of healthcare when comparing left-behind grandparenting versus left-behind fathering, and why?

(RQ2) How does grandparental care for left-behind children compare with paternal care in terms of foodwork, i.e. household food security and food provisioning?

Second, the effects of migrant remittances on healthcare needs and food provisioning for left-behind children versus migrant’s self-Care during COVID-19 pandemic times: (RQ3) How do migrant remittances impact healthcare and food provisioning for left-behind children during COVID-19 pandemic times?

(RQ4) During COVID-19 pandemic times, how do migrants’ own health concerns and food security in Singapore affect their caring practices for their left-behind families?