Muslim Asia and The Quest for Peace

By Chandra Muzaffar
Chandra Muzaffar is the president of the International Movement for a Just World (JUST). He was professor of Global Studies at Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang (2007-2012) and Professor of Inter-civilizational Dialogue, University of Malaya (1997-1999).

SEPTEMBER, 2, 2022

Islam’s deep affinity to peace is perhaps best illustrated by the fact that the word “Islam” itself implies peace through engaged surrender to God, to the Divine Will. There are a number of passages in the Quran that demonstrate its commitment to peace, especially the peaceful resolution of disputes. The Prophet Muhammad’s life and struggle also offer numerous instances of his inclination towards peace. It is well-known that he even delayed the conquest of Mecca, much to the chagrin of his followers, in order to minimise violence and bloodshed.

However, the Quran and the Sunnah (the Prophet’s example)—great as their influence may be upon the lives of Muslims—do not tell us how Muslims have tried to uphold Islam’s teachings on peace in real-life situations. To gain some insights into this, one has to analyse conflicts and wars and how Muslims have responded to these with the aim of achieving peace. The conflict that has had the most profound impact upon Muslims in contemporary times is of course the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land since 1948.

The peace that the Palestinians enjoyed under Ottoman rule was shattered when small groups of Zionist Jews from Europe acquired Palestinian land, protected by the mandate given to Britain to administer Palestine following the First World War. Colonial Britain went beyond the mandate and, through the Balfour Declaration of 1917, promised Jewish groups in Europe that it would help them establish a “Jewish home” in Palestine. This accelerated Jewish migration. Right from the beginning, Palestinians—both Muslim and Christian—protested against this demographic intrusion from Europe. It is significant that at this stage of the Palestinian struggle their resistance was largely peaceful, taking the form of rallies and mass meetings.

It was only after the Second World War, on the heels of the Nazi holocaust against the Jews in Europe which had dramatically increased Jewish migration to Palestine, that Palestinian resistance became more militant. This was largely in response to the forced eviction of hundreds of Palestinians from their homes and villages. In some instances, massacres accompanied the expulsions.

After the state of Israel was established in 1948 by the UN, and as more and more Palestinian land was lost to Israel, some members of the Palestinian resistance movement became even more desperate and resorted to senseless acts of violence such as hijacking planes, killing schoolchildren, and targeting shoppers. Israel in the meantime annexed much of the remaining 22% of Palestinian land comprising mostly the West Bank and Gaza in the June 1967 War. The Palestinian struggle was now at its nadir.

The post-67 scenario has given rise to at least two trends within the Palestinian movement. The first is a realisation that it may not be possible to regain all lost Palestinian land. This is not only because of the strength of the Israeli armed forces but because of overwhelming US support for Israel. Negotiating with Israel and working towards a two-state solution may be a more pragmatic approach. The second is a growing sense that the over-reliance on weapons and force is the real problem. Instead, a whole array of peaceful methods of confronting Israel must be developed. In a sense, the first Intifada—December 1987—evolved from this awareness. At the forefront of the Intifada were stone-throwing youths. They had no other weapon. Despite this, confrontations between Palestinian youths and the heavily armed Israeli forces often descended into violence, leading to significant loss of (disproportionately Palestinian) lives. Since then, new forms of protest, that are more peaceful and simultaneously more effective, have emerged.

One of the most significant is the Boycott, Disinvestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. Proclaimed in July 2005 by Palestinians themselves, it seeks to persuade businesses or other entities that have any links with the West Bank to review their position to ensure they are not contributing towards the oppression of the Palestinian people in any way. It has had some success in getting several Europe-based enterprises to withdraw their investments from the West Bank. A few European academic bodies and civil society organisations have also heeded the BDS call.

In similar vein, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) has been able to put across the Palestinian case through agencies of the UN. A special committee on Palestinian rights within the UN has been active in articulating its interests. Most importantly, Palestine since 29 November 2012 has a legal status within the UN framework as a non-member observer. It gives the Palestinians representation of sorts, albeit without the ability to vote.

By carving a tiny niche for itself within the UN and by mobilising businesses and other entities in civil society, the advocates of Palestinian rights have advanced their cause much further than its “suicide-bombers” and missile operators have. This shows that the struggle for justice is enhanced considerably when the means it employs are non-violent. That means cannot be separated from ends is a fundamental moral principle embodied in Islam and in all religious philosophies. The cause of peace is best served through peaceful methods.

Though this principle has some adherents in the Palestinian struggle today, it does not have much traction in other conflict zones in West Asia and North Africa—in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Iran, Somalia and Libya. This is not surprising, because the victim’s conception of how a struggle should be carried out is more often than not shaped by the oppressor’s practice and performance. Besides, in many historical records of wars and conflicts, Muslim historians themselves have exaggerated the role of battles and heroes without taking into account the larger context. It has been forgotten that the sum total of the battles that the Prophet was involved in did not amount to more than 3 days of his entire mission of 23 years! And yet a great deal of emphasis is given to his battles while ignoring his bigger, largely peaceful struggle for justice and compassion.

It is this mindset among Muslims, perpetuated by the mainstream religious teachers, that has to change if peace spawned by justice and compassion is to emerge as the defining essence of the life and character of the Muslim today.

 


The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore.

Latest

Restoring Trust between India and China; A Modest Suggestion
Shivshankar Menon

The EU and ASEAN: Partners to Manage Great Power Rivalry?
Tan York Chor

Countering Moro Youth Extremism in the Philippines
Joseph Franco

India-China relations: Getting Beyond the Military Stalemate
C. Raja Mohan

Investing in Peace for Asia
Wu Ye-Min

Where are the peacemakers?
Kishore Mahbubani

Can the Belt and Road Initiative bring peace to China and ASEAN?
Selina Ho

America Needs an Economic Peace Strategy for Asia
Van Jackson

India-Pakistan: Peace by Pieces
Kanti Bajpai

HADR as a Diplomatic Tool in Southeast Asia-China Relations amid Changing Security Dynamics
Lina Gong

Technocratic Deliberation and Asian Peace
Parag Khanna

Safer Together: Why South and Southeast Asia Must Cooperate to Prevent a New Cold War in Asia
Sarang Shidore

Freeze, Talk and Trade: the 3 Principles of Peace
Kishore Mahbubani

China and India: More New Diplomacy
Kumar Ramakrishna

Countering the threat of Islamist extremism in Southeast Asia
Kumar Ramakrishna

Asia, say no to Nato: The Pacific has no need of the destructive militaristic culture of the Atlantic alliance
Kishore Mahbubani

Can Biden bring peace to Southeast Asia?
Dino Djalal

An India-Pakistan ceasefire that can stick
Ameya Kilara

An antidote against narrow nationalism? Why regional history matters
Farish A Noor

The Anchorage Meeting Will Buy America Needed Time
Douglas Paal

The oxygen of ASEAN
Kishore Mahbubani

Beware of Munich
Khong Yuen Foong

Nuclear Deterrence 3.0
Rakesh Sood

The Biden era: challenges and opportunities for Southeast Asia
Michael Vatikiotis

Asian Peace Programme

About Us